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What’s at Stake in Haiti?

Alcira Forero-Peña

As troops from the US, Canada, France, and Chile attempt a military mission to “stabilize” Haiti, hardly anyone from these countries is losing sleep over the matter. Somehow, the headlines fail to mention that the fate of nearly eight million hungry, poverty-ridden, jobless people living in Haiti is far from getting better, or that the methods to oust the last democratically elected president, Jean Bertrand Aristide, belie any claim of a democratic process. Events in Iraq and the Middle East have taken center stage on the mainstream media’s international pages as well as in our minds. The voices of the leaders of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and those of the supporters of the ousted president and the movement that took him to power are being silenced. Nowhere in the coverage of the recent events in Haiti did one read about the origin and nature of the Lavalas Party, the force that made possible Aristide’s overwhelming victory in the 1990 elections.

But one cannot afford to fall prey to these amnesic tendencies and forget that the “peace” force made of 1,700 Marines and soldiers from the four countries arrived in Haiti conveniently late—appearing only after a US plane had flown Aristide to the Central African Republic. Because international forces failed to intervene earlier, the havoc unleashed by the foreign-funded “rebels”—for the most part Haitian mercenaries, criminals and members of death squads—gathered momentum. The violence and power of this group was soon able to “persuade” the elected president to leave the palace or else, with US Marines playing an active role.

Everything was made to look as if these groups were in fact bringing order to Haiti. For almost two months the US media kept displaying images of dangerous thugs or looting crowds of jobless men so as to emphasize the chaotic situation. However, they offered no historical background or analysis of how all this had come about. So the “rebels” were portrayed as if they represented the Haitian population and its supposed opposition to the Aristide government. A few days later, one read of the election of the interim prime minister, G. Latortue by “a council of wise men,” with the “acquiescence” of the US government officials. Another factor for who remembered the thousands of Haitian refugees who arrived in boats on the coast of Florida in 1994 was the guarantee that a refugee crisis would be prevented and the business would continue as usual.

A Short History of the Problem

For anybody with some knowledge of Latin America and the Caribbean history, however, there is no reason to feel reassured by a US “stabilization” of Haiti. It seems that whenever and wherever the US intervenes (even with a “peace” force) there is no margin for hope because the interests of the population are not at the heart of the actions (remember Grenada, Panama, Nicaragua, El Salvador). In fact, the contrary is true. Haitian history has seen a long succession of US interventions, like the military occupation from 1915 to 1934 or the shameless support of the Duvalier regime for two decades from 1956-1986. The first event was justified as the way to bring stability to the country, the second to defend democracy from communism. In truth, however, these actions guaranteed the continuing exploitation of the Haitian population and resources and paved the way towards authoritarianism. Before and after these interventions the US has openly and overtly intervened in the fate of Haiti.

The year 2004 marks the bicentennial of a unique world event: the first successful Black revolution in the history of the world. In 1804, after thirteen years of bloody struggle, the former slave Toussaint L’Ouverture and his men, mostly African-born slaves, defeated the forces of the French masters and their allies. With the victory of the Haitian Revolution, the richest French colony was lost and the second independent republic in the Western Hemisphere was born.

What seemed to be the beginning of a new era of prosperity for all Haitians, however, has proved to be the beginning of a seemingly endless history of conflict – both internal and external. For Haitians, the pressing issues at the moment suggest that tumultuous conditions have continuously crushed many of the grassroots movements that were painfully and slowly being built up during the late 1980s and 1990s, resulting in the election of President Aristide. But without successful political reform, Haiti seems doomed to linger in an economic and social sandtrap, the depth of which can be easily gauged by a cursory look at a few social indicators: Haiti is the poorest country of the Western Hemisphere, and half of its wealth is owned by 1 percent of the population. One of the most important social indicators, the Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) or the probability of dying between birth and one year of age is 98 out of 1000. Life expectancy for women is 52 years and 48 years for men. Unemployment soars at a disturbing 70 percent (UNFPA).

A Foothold in the Caribbean

While many people rightly despair about the fate of women and children in Africa and Central Asia, in Haiti (less than 600 miles off Florida) people are struggling to survive against all odds. The humanitarian crisis has reached unprecedented levels, as more children die or are given away as restavek (an euphemism for slavery) by parents unable to feed them. Meanwhile, the deterioration of the health “system” is mind-boggling. (1)

At the end of 2003 many in Haiti and within the large Haitian Diaspora in North America and Europe wanted to celebrate the Bicentennial last January. However, others within those communities experienced ambivalence in relation to this celebration. They even preferred to talk about a “Commemoration” and not a “Celebration.” Why? They blamed Aristide’s government for its failure to deliver on promises made, and charged the government with corruption, but they (like the White House) have tended to forget the embargo of millions of dollars in aid and loans resulting in the deterioration of living conditions. (2)

At the time of this writing there are a few deeply troubling trends in US policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean: Washington has backed an attempted coup and other attempts by the big-business opposition in Venezuela to overthrow the elected Chávez government. There is a discernable connection between current events in Haiti and US designs on Venezuela. Both their democratically elected presidents earned Washington’s opposition for their refusal to cut off normal relations with Cuba, as well as the displeasure of the business class here in the US and within those two countries. Therefore, an aggressive destabilizing process is already in place that has clearly affected the political climate of Venezuela. Also, US government agreements with and policies towards the increasingly antidemocratic regime in Colombia are resulting in clear signs of Colombian interventions in Venezuelan affairs.

1 For an understanding of what is at stake in the health sector, see Dr. Paul E. Farmer’s numerous books and articles (you can start reading his assessment of the health system at www.pih.org/haiti-feb24.html).

2 For alternative views on Haitian society and politics, see articles at: www.zmag.org

Alcira Forero-Peña is a PhD student in the Anthropology department and an adjunct instructor at Baruch College.