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Anti-American Sentiment Strong Amongst Iraqi Intellectuals

Jae Myung Kim

How do Iraqi intellectuals view the situation in their country? What are their opinions toward the US policies that dominate the post-Hussein regime? Are they optimistic about their future? During my two-week stay in Iraq this summer, I investigated these questions. How did Iraqi intellectuals view the "transfer of power"? What do they think about the US, the world power which now controls the fate of their nation?
I found anti-Americanism among Iraqi intellectuals to be more serious than I had expected. Most Iraqi intellectuals I spoke with, which included editorial writers, professors, Islamic priests and artists, revealed strong anti-American sentiment. The general view is that the transfer of power has many limitations, and many believe that Iraq has been forced into a subordinate relationship with the US. Even the moderate intellectuals did not hesitate to criticize American policy toward Iraq.

As is well known, one of main causes of continual anti-Americanism was the Abu Ghraib scandal. I failed to meet a single intellectual who said that “In order to root out the current insurgence, Americans should get information by any means necessary, including by torture.” Kassim Al-Sefti, an Iraqi painter who joined a street performance for the victims of Abu Ghraib scandal, accused Americans of hurting those Iraqis who hold conservative views on sexuality. He argued, “Those American guys in the Abu Ghraib prison hurt our Islamic pride.”

I found two exceptions to this critical perspective in Iraqi banker and politician Ahmed Chalabi and Kurdish politician Faraj Al-Haydari. Chalabi, once the favorite son of the Pentagon and the Washington hawks, still showed his pro-American slant in our interview held at his China House at the Mansur area in Baghdad. “Although there have been some misunderstandings between me and Washington,” he said, “I hope our relationship will improve.” Chalabi argued that “all allegations against me, including misleading the US in relation to Iraqi WMDs, are stupid.”

Al-Haydari, who is deputy chairman of the Baghdad branch of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) argued that “American presence in Iraq will be very helpful for the reconstruction of post-Hussein Iraq. In Iraq, it is generally accepted that Kurds are pro-American because they have enjoyed political autonomy and economic prosperity since the end of the first Gulf War in 1991.

Spokesman for Al-Sadr: “We taught the US lessons”

Islamic priest Ahmed Al-Shibany, a spokesman for Moktada Al-Sadr, whom I interviewed in Najaf, showed his disappointment saying, “Last year, we Iraqis had hopes after hearing some promises made by the United States. Therefore we welcomed the American invaders. As time went on, those promises proved false. It became clear that they came here to exploit our natural resources, and simultaneously, to work for the Jewish interests. Despite some sacrifices, the current strife initiated by our Mahdi Army is a holy resistance against American invaders. By this strife, we are sure that we taught them some lessons. What kind of lesson? The US cannot despise Iraqi pride and its potential to be a great country which has much longer cultural tradition than the US.”

The Azzaman Daily News (ADN) is an independent, influential media outlet critical of the US occupation. Mussana Al Tibakchli, an editor of the ADN, did not hide his disappointment in the US occupation: "When Americans first came to Baghdad, I and my co-workers even had coffee with them. But now we don't meet them any more because it is clear that they came here to occupy, not to liberate." Adul Al-Qassab, Secretary General of Azzaman Center for Strategic Studies, an affiliated institution of ADN, pointed to the US-Israeli alliance, noting that “the historical bond between the US and Israel became stronger under the Bush administration, and American invasion to Iraq was due to their hegemonic conspiracy on the pretext of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), which are in reality non-existent”

Doubting the Pro-American Interim Government

Iraqi intellectuals hold a complex view of the interim government. On the one hand, they welcome the fact that power was transferred from the US occupational force. On the other, they pointed out that most of the cabinet was filled with pro-Americans who do not properly represent Iraqis—although the US excluded prominent pro-American Ahmed Chalabi who gave false information to "justify" the war. Many Iraqi intellectuals view the interim government as highly limited.

Professor Emad Al Salem, who teaches political economy in the al-Nahrein University in Baghdad, said that "the problem is how much freedom will be given to the interim government by the American advisory board members or consultants positioned in every governmental department." It is possible that major political decision will be made by the advisory board members, and not by the Iraqi Ministers. Currently, about 200 US advisory board members are positioned in the 26 departments of the Iraqi government (including the Department of Oil). It is not widely known that Paul Bremer, former chief officer of the occupational government, issued major administrative orders and made personnel shifts just before leaving Baghdad on June 28. Such actions will likely to restrict the new interim government led by Ayad Allawi, as well as the official government that is to be formed by popular election next year. For example, Bremer appointed the inspectors-general for the 26 departments and legally guaranteed them five year terms. As might be expected, they are all sympathetic to American interests and positions. The “Commission to Regulation Communications and Public Broadcasting” was also filled by Bremer's people.

Skeptical on Oil Sovereignty

Many Iraqi intellectuals predict that the US embassy will be powerful. The US embassy in Baghdad has 1,000 American employees and 700 Iraqi assistants—making it the largest US embassy in the world. Hassan Ali Sabti of Baghdad University’s Department of History is skeptical about current US ambassador John Negroponte. "Negroponte will likely be the real Prime Minister, or “American Governor” following Bremer,” he said. According to Ali Sabti, “the power transfer is deceiving. For example, the US army has extraterritoriality. Even if they commit felonies such as rape and murder, they won't go to the Iraqi court.”
Of all the aspects of the US presence, however, Iraqi intellectuals doubt oil sovereignty the most. They did not believe that the interim government would protect their oil sovereignty so that they could rebuild the nation. Professor Hamid Sihav Ahmed of Baghdad University’s Department of International Studies warned a possibility of US oil companies obtaining profits through the use of secret dual contracts.

Finally, some Iraqis still dream of restoring the Hussein regime. Suhel Fatlawi, the former Dean of Baghdad University’s law school, who was evicted from the university because he was a high official in the Baath party, has reason enough to hate the US. He openly expressed his dream of a Second Revolution initiated by the current insurgence. However, the majority does not seem to look forward to a restoration of the Hussein regime. They see it only as the fallen ancien regime. Despite widespread anti-Americanism and subsequent suspicion against American dominance over Iraq, most intellectuals look forward to the post-Hussein era.

Jae M. Kim is a student in the PhD program in Politics.