Haitian Culture

Faculty Expert: Jean Y. Plaisir

Dr. Jean-Yves Plaisir was born in Port-au-Prince, Haiti and migrated to the United States in 1979. He attended Louis D. Brandeis High School, and continued at Hunter College attaining a Bachelor of Arts in Classical Studies and Romance Languages. He then pursued graduate studies at Teacher's College at Columbia University, and earned his Master of Arts in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages, his Master of Education in Comparative and International Educational Development, and his Doctorate in Education in Applied Linguistics and Educational Technology. His research interests focus on literacy, second-language acquisition, and the survival of Haitian language and culture in diasporic situations. Currently, Dr. Plaisir is an Assistant Professor at the City College School of Education, where he teaches courses relating to curriculum and teaching, ESL methodologies, and language education. He has written academic papers on a wide array of topics of scholarly interest while serving as a speaker on various public forums, radio and television programs, as well as national and international conferences.

As part of his many community activities, Dr. Jean-Yves Plaisir has been involved in grass roots organizations for more than seventeen years both in Haiti and the United States. In addition, he has also collaborated in major initiatives with Haitians in the Dominican Republic and Canada. Furthermore, he is a language and culture consultant for the Police Department of the City of New York; the president and founder of HAPA (Haitian American Professional Association); a founding member of the Haitian Professional Alliance of the Northeast; a board member on the National Committee for Teacher Education and Examinations ; and a founding member of the United Haitian American Community Center of New York City. Last, but not least Dr. Plaisir is the Principal Investigator for HABETAC (Haitian Bilingual Education/ESL Technical Assistance Center) which is the only project that provides technical assistance to Haitian parents and teachers in the New York State public school system.

Community Representative: Margarette D. Tropnas

Margarette D. Tropnas was born in Limbe, Haiti. Upon completing her elementary education in Haiti, she migrated to the United States to join her parents who resided in Brooklyn, New York. She enrolled at SUNY (State University of New York) at Stony Brook graduating with her Bachelor of Science in Psychology, and went on to graduate from NYU (New York University) with her Masters Degree in Social Work.

Since entering the field of social work, Ms. Deshommes-Tropnas has "worn many hats," and been active in issues pertaining to the Caribbean community at large. Included among the many things her work has contributed to is the advancement of multiculturalism in neighborhood schools as well as established ready access for speakers of Creole in need of social services and assistance. Since 1991, Ms. Deshommes-Tropnas has held the position of Assistant Executive Director of FHC (Flatbush Haitian Center) a community-based, non-profit organization. During the last two decades the FHC has continuously expanded its range of services and involvement in the surrounding neighborhoods of Flatbush, while working to help families improve their lives in many ways.

At present Ms. Deshommes-Tropnas serves on the boards of the following organizations: Voice of the Children of Haiti, Crown Heights Community Board, the Department of Youth and Community Development Advisory Board, Brooklyn Hospital's Program for AIDS treatment and Health (The PATH Center), Catholic Charities Diocese of Brooklyn East and the Mental Health Services Community Advisory Council. She is also a member of the Brooklyn Coalition of Preventive Services and directs and serves as a youth leader with the Brooklyn Tabernacle Ministries.

Today, Ms. Deshommes-Tropnas continues to live in Brooklyn with her spouse Cherimond, and their two daughters, Lindsay, age 8 and Melissa, age 5. Ms. Deshommes-Tropnas's Christian upbringing, family background, professional experience and organizational skills all blend together to form the basis of her commitment to family, friends and the community.

Topics for Consideration —

Click above to access detailed notes

Introduction to the Culture
The Family Structure
Features of the Home
Communication Styles
Child Discipline
Who Can Speak for the Family?
Role and Views of Authority
Medical Practices
Religion

CASE STUDY

A young child whose family sought medical services at Kings County Hospital was diagnosed with major medical and developmental problems. Prescriptions were given and a two-week follow-up appointment, to include consultations with specialists, were scheduled for the six-month old baby. The family did not show up for the appointment and did not respond to phone calls, mail, or home visits. Clinic staff then filed a report of possible medical neglect with the State central register.

Given the high risk assessment, the summary initial report of the child protective services investigation confirmed the neglect allegation and recommended removal of the child.

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A HAPPY ENDING...

Follow-up information on this family had revealed that they were newly arrived in New York from Haiti. Anticipating a language barrier and the potential for cultural misunderstandings, the child protective services supervisor assisted the field worker in preparing for the intervention by arranging for the services of an interperter. Further assessment of the family revealed that the mother had taken the child regularly to the community faith healer for medical care as she and other neighbors did for all medical services. The faith healer had cared for her and her other children successfully and the mother had complete trust in the healer and the advice given.

The mother spoke and understood very little English and was also afraid to seek traditional services due to her immigration status. She very rarely went outside her neighborhood and was unfamiliar with the subway system, making access to the clinic extremely difficult.

New appointments were scheduled at the clinic for the baby, the siblings, and the mother. The mother was told that the faith healer would be welcomed to accompany the family to the clinic, and assured that her immigration status would not lead to deportation and removal of the children (as her neighbors had warned).

Plans were made to help the mother complete immigration paperwork and attend English classes. The family remained together throughout the process in their own community and within their cultural environment.

PRESENTATION OUTLINE

The history of Haitian emigration to the United States dates back to the 19^th century, when small waves of émigrés reached the shores of the United States during the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804) and shortly thereafter (Souffrant 1974). The largest waves of Haitian emigration to the United States, however, began to be felt throughout much of the decades of the 1960s and the 1980s, when political turmoil and economic hardships ravaged both the social and the physical environment in Haiti. This presentation will focus primarily on Haitian immigrants that came to the United States in the 1980s and later, because they represent a significant group to study as one attempts to develop an understanding of concepts related to family practices and child-rearing among Haitians in diverse New York City communities whom the Administration for Children’s Services endeavor to better serve.

The greatest out-migration from Haiti to the United States occurred in the early 1980s, and those that came in that decade were referred to, in the media, as "boat people". Unlike the earlier group of Haitian immigrants of the 1960s and 1970s, being for the most part urban folk, lawyers, doctors, teachers, other professionals and members of the educated élite opposed to the Duvalier dictatorship, those that emigrated to the United States in the 1980s were generally share-croppers, peddlers, service workers, uneducated and rural poor, fleeing economic oppression as well as armed persecution by paramilitary thugs (known as tonnton makout) loyal to the Duvalier regime (Lundhal 1980; Laguerre 1984). It should be noted that the Haitian immigrant population is a heterogeneous group with respect to social class, religious belief, and political persuasion. While some profess to be Christians, others, generally the rural poor, practice the traditional African religion of vaudou, which has been systematically persecuted and ridiculed by both Protestant and Catholic believers. Historically, Haitians leave their homeland to search for better quality of life elsewhere for three major reasons: a) to flee political repression, b) to escape oppressive economic conditions, and c) to find relief from human rights abuses (Lundhal 1979; Laguerre 1984). Lundhal has stressed that political and economic conditions are inextricably linked. The United States appeals as a safe haven to all groups of Haitian immigrants, regardless of the social or political differences existing among them and their particular reasons for migrating. Moreover, there are many challenges for both the immigrants and the host society.

New York State is the cradle of the Haitian Diaspora, with an estimated population of 500,000 people of Haitian ancestry. In a demographic survey, The Daily News (November 15, 2001) has estimated 147,911 Haitian residents in New York City. Most leaders in the Haitian community dispute this statistics, and proffer estimates of New York City Haitian residents well above 200,000, arguing that undocumented Haitians, the homeless, and those living below the poverty level, are usually undercounted. While the exact number of Haitian immigrants in New York State is unknown, it is a known fact, however, that the largest Haitian enclaves concentrate in Brooklyn, Queens and Manhattan. There are sizable Haitian neighborhoods in the East New York, Flatbush and Crown Heights sections of Brooklyn, as well as the Cambria Heights and Queens Village neighborhoods of Queens. In Manhattan, there are pockets of Haitian immigrants concentrating in the Upper Westside, Manhattan Valley, Central Harlem and Hamilton Heights. In recent years, the number of Haitian family units in Manhattan has dwindled due to the rising cost of living space in this borough. Haitians in New York City usually reside in racially-mixed neighborhoods, primarily among African-Americans and other immigrants from the Caribbean, such as Dominicans and Jamaicans (Laguerre 1984; Buchanan-Stafford 1987). As they settle in these neighborhoods, Haitian immigrants create various social networks such as extended family units, churches, doctors’ offices, newspapers, community centers and small businesses to accommodate their physical, emotional, spiritual, and cultural needs. Moreover, Haitian-Americans have been actively involved in New York City politics and social activism since the 1980s, and have been vocal on issues of social justice, especially during the Giuliani Administration.

Bryce-LaPorte (1979) has noted that Haitian immigrants are "triple minority" because they are foreigners, they speak a language that no other immigrant group speaks, and they are black. This notion of "triple minority" is further explained in the words of Buchanan-Stafford (1987:131), who observes, "They [Haitian immigrants] are a minority within a minority, often viewed simply as black by the white majority, but, at the same time, distinguished within the black population from other black immigrants and from black Americans by cultural and linguistic characteristics." It should be noted that assimilation is not a priority for most older Haitian immigrants, but further discussions in this presentation suggest that their American children have a divergent cultural orientation.

While living in the United States, the majority of Haitian families hold on to their language, family values and cultural traditions. They socialize mostly with other Haitians: attend the same churches, befriend other Haitians, read Haitian newspapers, go to Haitian weddings, parties and funerals, and more. A good many try to live their lives as though they were in Haiti. Some even send money home to build houses for their retirement. Above all, they try to pass on their Haitian values to children. Haitian parents impress upon their children the importance of obedience to authority and respect for the law. Children are supposed to listen to their elders, bring honor to their family, practice their family religion and customs. They also stress the importance of hard work and a good education for success in the American society. These immigrants have high expectations of their children, hoping that their youngsters will grow up to be doctors, engineers, and lawyers. Most Haitian families wish their children would remain Haitian in much of their ways, while also espousing certain American ideals, such as the pursuit of peace, liberty, justice and happiness. Transculturation seems the preferred adaptation strategy to social conditions among older diaspora Haitians in the United States.

The sons and daughters of Haitian immigrants, however, continue to face tough challenges as they seek to integrate themselves in "mainstream" American culture. Linguistic prejudice and racial discrimination remain two major obstacles faced by this group. Since the 1980s, Haitian youths have often experienced serious ethnic conflicts with their African-American and Latino counterparts who often refer to them as "frenchies", "boat people" or "refugees". Some Haitian youths fear for their lives inside and outside of school, while others choose to stay home or drop-out of school all together, because they have difficulty coping with a hostile social environment, in addition to making adjustments to a different school system, different methods of learning, and new sets of rules for interaction and socialization.

In some sections of Brooklyn and Queens, Haitian-American youths form vicious gangs mainly out of a need for kinship and protection for themselves against rival groups (i.e., Jamaican Pose, Latin Bloods, and Black Colors). Oftentimes, these gangs are involved in violent crimes and illegal activities that bring much distress and shame to Haitian families and fellow Haitians, who are generally peaceful and proud people. Infractions against the law usually brings dire consequences to Haitian families, in addition to the hefty penalties imposed by the judicial system. Parents and children who have run-ins with the law can be deported, if they are not American citizens. Lack of documentation also puts many Haitian families up on their guard against any kind of legal problem that might jeopardize their stay in the United States. A good number of Haitian families face deportation, especially since immigration laws have been further toughened through the passing of the 1996 Immigration and Welfare Reform Laws and, most recently, by the enactment of the USA Patriot Act (PL 107-56), consistent with a series of counter-terrorism measures put in place in the wake of the terrorist attacks against this nation on September 11^th 2001.

The Haitian family varies in size and composition. It is customary to find two separate family units sharing the same living space. Many an observer notes that low-income Haitian families in New York City quite often live in crowded apartments among extended family members and a wide network of kin, assisting one another in a variety of ways (Plaisir 1999; Buchanan-Stafford 1987; Laguerre 1984). Family members share and fulfill many roles, including caring for and raising children, taking care of the elderly, helping relatives back in Haiti, guiding the youth, to name just but a few responsibilities. There are several Haitian proverbs that support this kind of family organization and its incumbent responsibilities. One of them goes like this: "Men anpil, chay pa lou–many hands, the load is not heavy." It is another way of saying that there is strength in unity, which is the family is supposed to exemplify or embody. In fact, the national emblem of Haiti (l’Union fait la force) stresses this very point. Laguerre (1984:66) has noted, "The family provides a niche within which cultural continuity can be adapted to the exigencies of the new environment." He further argues that the household is the place where "traditional values are challenged, behavioral conflicts are intensified, and adaptive strategies [coping tactics] are developed" (67).

Understanding Haitian family structure in New York City is a complex and challenging undertaking, even to insiders in the culture. The structure of the Haitian family is constantly revamped in order to adjust to new challenges and situations. A number of variables, such as employment, income bracket, familiarity with the city, and legal residence status strongly influences the organization of the Haitian family, and sets parameters as far as who leads and speaks for the family, when and how. "In the first stage of the resettlement process," according to Laguerre (1984:74), "the role of the head is played by the breadwinner and the partner more experienced with the city, whether husband or wife." As Rey (1970:31) has observed, "the old family organization is no longer relevant. The shifting roles, the change of standards, status, personal values, contribute to the breakdown of the Haitian family organization." A close examination of the family, whether in Haiti or in the United States, will reveal that husbands do not always make decisions for the family, especially in homes where wives are employed or earn an income. In such cases, husbands are generally called in when major decisions are about to be made by their bread-winning wives or the resourceful maternal grandmothers, who are usually very powerful members of the family.

With authority, however, comes a host of responsibilities. It is best to see these responsibilities in terms of gender roles among adults and children. For example, Haitian wives and/or grandmothers are blamed if children fail to meet their families’ expectations. Adult women and teenage girls are supposed to take charge of cleanliness in the home, go food shopping, cook, wash and iron for the family, and attend to the special needs of young children and the elderly. Older children, especially girls, are expected to watch over younger siblings, help them with homework if they can, and assist their mother with domestic chores. By contrast, adult males and teenage boys are expected to protect their family from harm, add fixtures to appliances or furniture, lift heavy loads for women, and lead the family in spiritual matters. Older males usually negotiate any kinds of contracts or legal agreement on behalf of their family. If both husband and wife are employed, they share family expenses. Normally, fathers are supposed to pay the rent and provide food and clothing to the family.

Most Haitian immigrants are apartment dwellers, although the vast majority dreams of buying their own home either in the United States or in Haiti. While they are dwelling in "transit" or temporary apartments, many adjustments have to be made with regard to accommodating the living needs of family members. The furnishing style of the home is consistent with the income bracket of the household head, the size of the family (albeit nuclear or extended), and whether or not the family is well-established in their own house. Normally, an area of the house or the apartment is set for family gathering. It is not necessarily a living space set aside for the sole purpose of receiving and entertaining guests and visitors. Depending on the size of the family unit, a portion of the living-room can be partitioned to accommodate a family member or a guest until they can find their own apartment. Quite often, a portion of the living area is set aside for dining. The remaining space is used for setting chairs, a cocktail table, a wall-unit for a TV set, a stereo system, books and records, and decorative items. Some Haitian households seem to have more furniture than they have space.

Bedrooms can be very crowed depending upon the number of people per room. Drawers are usually used to supplement closet space. Bunk-beds are often used for sleeping arrangements for children of approximate age and of same gender. It is not uncustomary, however, to find a small child sharing the same bedroom with an adult or a teenager. Children under 12 years of age are expected to be in bed by 9:00 P.M. There is a TV set and/or a radio in most bedrooms. Some folks even sleep on the floor. Children do their homework wherever they can find space in their bedroom, in the living space or in the kitchen.

Kitchens are usually too small and inadequately ventilated. Some kitchens have washers and dryers in addition to standard kitchen appliances (i.e., stove and refrigerator). Once again, the kitchen can be very crowded. If there is enough space, part of the kitchen is used for dining during the week. Sunday dinners and holiday meals are usually served in the living area–since it is rare to find an apartment with an independent dining area. Because of incongruous schedules from work or from school, many family members do not find time to eat together except on some week-ends and around certain holidays. For example, most families gather together with relatives and friends to break bread around Thanksgiving or Christmas.

Close friends and relatives do not have to be invited on such occasions. They can make unannounced visits anytime, and surprise everyone with special dishes and recipes (i.e., diri ak djondjon–rice with dried mushrooms, lambi ak nwa–conch with cashew nuts), homemade cocktails (i.e., likè e kremas–special liqueurs), dessert and jams (i.e., pen patat–sweet potato pies, konfiti chadèk–grapefruit jelly or dous kokoye–coconut sweets), and other homemade delicacies. During and after a lavish meal, adults and children reminisce upon life experiences in Haiti or the United States, swap stories, entertain one another with jokes or riddles, play dominoes or card games, speak with great eloquence and show off extraordinary oratory skills in the Haitian language.

Haitian Creole is the language of all Haitians, but English and French are also used in Haitian immigrant homes. It should be noted that the French language is losing ground to English among Haitians in the United States, while the Haitian language remains the most widely used medium in interactions between parents and their children. Most Haitian-American children understand Haitian Creole, a good number does not use it to speak with their parents. All New York Haitians want their children to learn English. Oftentimes, bilingual Haitian children serve as language brokers for parents who do not speak English. Among themselves, bilingual children are most likely to use English to communicate any type of information. Members of the traditional Haitian élite try to maintain the French language at home by speaking it with their children. But whenever Haitian parents admonish their children, they all communicate important points in the Haitian language. A rich mixture of French, Haitian and English is used in church services, weddings, and funerals. Information that targets the New York Haitian community is usually disseminated in both English and Haitian Creole.

While all Haitians speak Haitian Creole, most cannot read or write. Those who are literate prefer correspondences to be sent to them in French, because that is the language they were taught to read and write. Since 1981, US-Haitian policy has been to make outreach to Haitians in the language they all speak. It should be noted that the New York Haitian community remains pretty much an oral culture, and written communications to these folk should be followed by interpersonal contacts (i.e., a telephone call and/or a home visit). It is a good idea for agencies that serve this immigrant population to use a home language survey in order to find out what language to use for written communications to Haitian homes.

In the Haitian home, communication takes many different forms, and generally varies across gender. On the one hand, males are expected to express themselves in a few words, but their words usually carry a lot of weight. They make fewer gestures and facial expressions than females. Husbands rarely argue with their wives and children–at least not publicly. They give direct orders and expect them to be followed. Fathers use different kinds of gazes to impose themselves. A husband’s silence is often interpreted as a strong warning sign of anger or disapproval. Haitian men do not display their affection in public. In order to show affection they use endearing words (i.e., cheri–my dear, kòkòt–sweetie, chouchou–darling, toutou–baby-love, manmi–mommy, papi–daddy, and more), some names of foods (ti kann penda m–my sweet little sugar cane, ti kayimit vyolèt mwen–my little violet caïmite (an exotic tropical fruit)), as well as nicknames (i.e., Joujou for Jocelyne, Janjan for John or Johnny, Popo for Paul, Jako for Jack, Klody for Claude, Bebe for Betty or Elizabeth, Tètè for Teresa, and any diminutives of a first name). Some rarely embrace their wives or hug their children in front of other people. In this culture, an outpouring of emotion by males is generally interpreted as a sign of weakness. Haitian Men are not supposed to shed tears profusely, except if they bemoan the death of their mother or their wife.

On the other hand, wives are usually talkative, but they often give indirect directives. They lecture on points (tire pwe or voye pwen–sending points) to their husbands and their children when their expectations are violated. Mothers often use anecdotes and even exaggerations to persuade or dissuade their husbands or children over important decisions, especially as they express serious concerns over certain things. Unlike their male counterparts, Haitian women are free to express themselves openly through a wide range of emotions, including shedding tears over things that bother them. Women use hand gestures and animated body language more profusely than men. They suckle their tongue, make grimaces, waver their fingers, and even call attention to their derriere in communication. At the same time, women are generally more affectionate, more patient, and more lenient to children than men. They caress their youngsters, feed them, sing lullabies to put them to sleep, promise them sweet things, and play with children a lot more than men.

Next, children are expected to obey their parents without questioning their motives. It is a sign of disrespect for children to engage the gazes of adults, unless they are asked to do so. Young people are supposed to show respect to their elders, even if the latter say or do things that hurt their feelings. When adults are talking over serious business, children are supposed to excuse themselves. Moreover, children are not supposed to raise their voice when they speak to adults. They are also expected to yield their chairs to adults. Any adult can admonish a child, and trusted family members or friends can discipline children that go out of bound. When parents, relatives or friends of the family enter the house, boys are expected to greet them with a hand shake if they are males or a kiss on the cheek if the are females. Girls give a kiss on the cheek to both male and female visitors. The same ritual should take place when friends and relatives leave the abode. It is permissible for relatives or close friends of the family to sit in close proximity to children, hug them, touch their heads and faces, tickle them, and even rub their backs during greetings and in the presence of parents. Children can accept presents from family members, but must have the permission of their parents to receive gifts or money from distant relatives or friends. Children are expected to show respect to one another. An elder sibling can discipline younger ones.

It should be noted that both husband and wife carry out discipline in the home. Some Haitian women start disciplining their children as soon as the youngsters begin teething or crawling. Others wait for children to be 18 months of age, usually soon after they are severed from breast-feeding, before they start to discipline them. Fathers begin disciplining their children much later than mothers, usually around the time when youngsters enter school at age 6. Their primary role is to coach children on issues related to time management, moral education, and work habits. At various stages of the discipline process, corporal punishment can be used for correct habit formation or reinforcement of rules. A number of discipline methods and instruments are used, including restricting children’s privileges, spanking them with a belt or a ruler on their derriere, kneeling them at a corner for a prolonged period of time, and imposing curfews upon them–just to name but a few tactics. Some parents go as far as exaggerating the gravity of an offense, just to discourage children from repeating it again.

As far as conflict resolution is concerned, parents and relatives can act as arbitrators to settle family disputes. In the home, fathers are often summoned to intervene when situations tend to get out of hand or too tough for mothers to handle. Moreover, male elders may rule with more authority than female elders over certain family matters. For instance, fathers or elder brothers often determine the age a daughter can openly date and the significant other she can bring home for dinner. After all, they are the ones who give their daughters or sisters to other males in marriage. Homosexuality is certainly misunderstood and vehemently discouraged in Haitian families.

Haitian immigrants begin to face serious discipline challenges when their American-born or US-raised children reach the teenage years. Different cultural orientations and intergenerational differences widen a series of gaps in the relationships between Haitian parents and their children. For instance, while parents try hard to inculcate the traditional values of their Haitian upbringing in their children, the latter show a good deal of resistance, because they often do not subscribe to the same values and interests as their parents. Whereas many Haitian parents view the United States as a place of transit until they save enough money to return to Haiti, some of their children only know and see the United States as their permanent place of residence. In most cases, Haitian children raised and educated in the United States do not envisage living in Haiti.

Oftentimes, children bring home American friends in attire that Haitian parents do not approve of. Baggy clothes, rap music, and dreadlocks are some of the things that generate conflicts and misunderstandings between Haitian parents and their teenage sons and daughters. A good many of the children openly question their parents’ values, argue with them and reject their impositions, stay out late and befriend people from other cultures, in addition to doing other things that their parents do not approve of. Many parents feel that they are losing their children to popular American culture.

Since the 1990s, however, Haitian-American youths have shown unprecedented interest in issues related to Haitian language, history, customs, religion and politics. Increasing numbers of Haitian-American youths have been proudly asserting their Haitian identity through the display of flags and other artifacts bearing Haitian emblems. While some organize forums and cultural activities to celebrate their heritage, others take time to travel back and forth between Haiti and the United States in order to meet their relatives, as well as to interact with youths in Haiti. This is a phenomenon deserving much scholarly attention.

A number of people can speak for the family under different conditions. Generally, the elder male in the family takes the lead when major decisions have to be made. He is also expected to negotiate legal matters and represent the interest of the family in matters related to investment, heavy purchase, the execution of wills, wedding and funeral rituals, and things of that nature. He shall always seek counsel from other authority figures in the family as well as the advice of wise and smart relatives, before he makes decisions on behalf of his kin. Pastors and long-time friends can be invited to mediate disputes and guide discussions whenever family members experience difficulty resolving their differences.

Haitian immigrants tend to deal with government representatives with fear and much skepticism. They generally want very minimal involvement of government and law enforcement agencies in their family business. The role of government representatives is often misunderstood, since Haitians tend to distrust anyone who speaks in the name of the state. This lack of trust is probably the result of a long history of political repression and violence suffered from the hands of many oppressive regimes back in Haiti. There are several Haitian proverbs that reinforce Haitian resistance to government representatives. One of them goes like this: "Si moun lakay pa vann ou, moun deyò pa ka achte w–If people at home don’t sell you out, people outside cannot buy you out." Thus, a government representative should find a way to become an insider, before he/she can be trusted and really know what is going on in a Haitian home. Building interpersonal relationships and trust may be the first step in intervention programs for Haitians.

By the same token, acceptance and acceptability of outside help in family matters is usually resented, because most Haitians are too proud to ask for help. They do not want outsiders to know about their problems. Another proverb that Haitians like to use with regard to dealing with family matters is: "Rad sal lave an fanmi–dirty clothes are washed in the family." It is somewhat equivalent to the American adage of ‘sweeping things under the rug.’ In other words, Haitians tend to keep their family problems private, and that makes it harder for family members who languish in desperate need of external help.

There exist sharp ethnic differences between the health practices and psychology of Haitian immigrants and the medical culture of mainstream American society (Laguerre 1987). Haitians usually use home remedies before seeking recourse to conventional medical facilities, such as doctors’ clinics or hospitals. They believe that all illnesses can be treated and cured by a number of unorthodox medical interventions. Oftentimes, they use both folk medicine and conventional medicine concomitantly. Most Haitians have two "medicine cabinets" in their home: one contains herbs, roots, healing oils and home-made syrups, while the other harbors pharmaceutical products. In fact, whenever a Haitian complains about an ailment, the first remedy a family member proposes to him is an herb potion–simply referred to as "te–tea". Herbs are used to treat various ailments, such as common colds, allergies, fevers, headaches, stomachaches, digestive disorders, just to name but a number of malaise. Ironically, some Haitians do not drink tea for leisure or over a meal, asserting that they only drink tea when they are sick. (So, when Haitians visit your home, it is more proper to offer them coffee, juice or soft drinks. They will ask tea, if they want to.)

Mental health is another area where Haitians have cultural differences with mainstream American culture. The overwhelming majority of Haitians, regardless of social class, believe that mental illness is often the result of some external force meddling with someone’s inner peace. While some believe that a family spirit or lwa may be at the bottom of their troubled life, others speculate that an enemy or a jealous neighbor may be out to cause them harm. As a result, Haitians rarely seek conventional psychological intervention to deal with mental illness. Most opt for a houngan–vodoun priest or a manbo–vodoun priestess, a Catholic priest, a Protestant pastor or a free-mason to help conjure up evil spirits. (Vodoun, sometimes spelled ‘voodoo’ or ‘vaudou’, is the traditional African religion of Haiti, it is also a way of life for most rural Haitians. This word has different spelling in the literature, but the spelling consistent with the official orthography of the Haitian language is used in this paper.) Haitians have many names and explications for mental health phenomena. For example, a lwa or family spirit may be troubling a person (ap enpoze l viv–stopping him from living), in this case he/she should render services (fè sèvis lwa), make offerings (bay lwa manje) or make promises (fè lwa pwomès) to the spirit. Another example is that a person may be losing his mind (tèt li pati) because a jealous friend or neighbor has cast an evil spell upon him (yo fè wanga dèyè l). Then, able parents or relatives should pay a powerful houngan to remove the evil spell from the affected loved one and turn it back to the evildoer. "Ou touye dife ak dife–You kill fire with fire," Haitians would say. But firepower requires money, and sometimes lot of it. Haitians have an explanation, "Mezi lajan w, mezi wanga w–the measure of your money is the measure of your spell".

Even conditions such as chronic depressions, delusions, substance abuse, drug and alcohol dependency is often believed to be the influence of some external force acting upon the psyche. In all cases, parents and relatives often turn to prayers as well as wanga for relief and cure before considering conventional psychological intervention. A large number of Haitian immigrants go on pilgrimages, attend spiritual revivals, indulge in week-long fasting sessions, and even send their mentally-ill relatives back home to the care of a houngan, just so they could regain their mental health. It is the wisdom of this community that after prolonged periods away from the homeland, Haitian immigrants begin to develop all sorts of peculiar health problems and ailments, which some call "maladi peyi a–the illnesses of the host country."

In sum, there remains much to be learned about Haitian immigrants’ health and religious practices, communication styles, home language, family practices, child-rearing, discipline and socialization patterns. Analyses in all these sub-areas remain shady and inconclusive as the social, economic and political conditions of these immigrants continue to change both in their homeland as well as in their diasporic contexts. Because every investigation reveals new challenges and unknowns, it is of paramount importance that one stays informed of the social and political changes as well as continue to show interest to the issues of immigrant communities in order to develop comprehensive programs and sensical strategies to better serve their needs. Above all, it should be understood that no single immigrant community is monolithic in its mores and customs, and the Haitian community is no exception. All immigrant communities make adjustments to meet the demands and expectations of the host society, while making valuable contributions to the quality of the social and political landscape.

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